GOA – SMALL STATE; BIG CORRUPTION by Roger D’Souza

Corruption in Goa is firmly inbuilt into our democratic structure, says ARAVIND BHATIKAR

Transparency International has ranked most countries of the world in its Perceived Corruption Index (PCI). The least corrupt is ranked the highest, and the most corrupt the lowest. In 2001, India was ranked 72nd amongst 91 countries surveyed. And in 2008, it was ranked 85th amongst 180 countries. A cursory glance at the list suggests that economic development is inversely related to the level of corruption, and that poorer countries are likely to be more corrupt.

It is not known whether there has been any survey of Indian states to compile a national PCI. Not withstanding this, the thesis that corruption is inversely related to the level of economic development may not hold good in all cases. At least, it is not true in the case of Goa, which has the highest per capita income in the country.

For its size, population and achievements, the vertical and horizontal spread of corruption in Goa is perhaps more appalling and frightening than in most other states. Like everywhere else in India, corruption in Goa is election-centric. The abnormal number of assembly constituencies (40), the narrow victory margins, the nimble footed loyalties of MLAs and the absence of credible whistleblowers are some of the main factors responsible for corruption.

A speciality of politics in Goa is the liberal distribution of cash by some ministers throughout the year, in addition, of course, to the widespread misuse of liquor and money power on the eve of polling day. Goa is perhaps the only state in the country where you can find a powerful politician liberally distributing 100-rupee notes to all those in the queue at his door on a scheduled day of the week. There may be only a few other constituencies in the country where voters are showered with liberal financial help during marriages and deaths in the family, construction/repairs of the house or celebration of village festivals.

Goan politicians were late entrants to democracy, but quick learners. Politicians of few other states can equal their expertise in building permanent vote banks, through extension of illegal patronage. There are at least seven constituencies in Goa where ministers / MLAs are heavily dependent on the votes of migrant labourers illegally settled on comunidade or government land, and provided with all civic amenities and goodies.

Goa has the highest ratio of government servants to population. One in every five families has somebody in the family working as a full-time government employee. The number of government employees has increased from 40,000 in the year 1999 to about 50,000 in the year 2009. There is one ‘dynamic’ minister who openly boasts of having “fixed” about 2,000 youth in the departments controlled by him over the last three years.

It is axiomatic that those who liberally misuse their money and official power to perpetuate their stranglehold on office, have to mobilise those resources within the same political system. Corruption in Goa is, firstly, inbuilt into our democratic structure and, secondly, a product of wily politicians’ ingenious initiatives.

As soon as Goa became a state in 1987, it set up a constitutionally mandated Public Service Commission. However, the system managers took care to ensure that the Goa Public Service Commission (GPSC) dealt with recruitment, etc, only of Class I and II government officials, accounting for hardly 10 per cent of the workforce. Government departments (Ministers?) directly recruited Class III and IV employees. In many other states, there are Staff Recruitment Boards for Class III and IV employees. Goan politicians know where their bread and butter comes from. They have never considered the setting up of such a Staff Recruitment Board.

It is widely believed that the annual budgeted expenditure on plan scheme generates about Rs1,000 crore in unaccounted wealth. The Public Works (PWD), Transport, Planning and Development Authorities (PDAs), Forests, Mining, Revenue and Home departments are widely perceived as hotbeds of corruption. Consequently, these ‘lucrative’ departments have to be equitably allotted to all the political parties forming a coalition government, or to various factions in any single-party government.

Goa is, perhaps, one of the few states where lucrative departments are publicly claimed and fought for by Ministers, and shamelessly debated by civil society through the print and electronic media.

Not inherent in the structure but rooted in the ingenious initiative of politicians are oft promoted mega-projects, which have an easy passage in a deliberately built corruption-friendly political structure. The controversial Sports City for the National Games, the so called International Cricket Stadium in an area reportedly classified as forest, and the proposed ‘Sea-Link’ between Mormugao and Dona Paula are a few example of such mega-projects, which may only be only of marginal utility to the civil society but of immense earning value to the political class.

This smallest state in India has often made national headlines for its mega scams. The now aborted Regional Plan 2011, which sought to ‘re-zone’ overnight thousands of acres of agricultural land as non-agricultural, the land-grab stampede in Goa by business houses from Mumbai and Delhi under the garb of SEZs, the perennial and well documented allegations by the Opposition in every Assembly Session about mega corruption in almost every government department, are all too well known and documented to merit any further elaboration.

In most states, corruption is synonymous with government, in spite of well designed structures and procedures for preventing / minimising / eradicating and punishing corruption. In Goa, the political class has worked overtime to prevent such a structure.

Goa was a union territory until 1987, and the guidelines of the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) were applicable. When Goa became a state, these guidelines ceased to be applicable. No alternative guidelines were laid down by the government. In a rare fit of anti-corruption enthusiasm, the government set up a three member commission under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, to investigate into allegations of corruption against public functionaries, including non-officials. This commission was put to sleep in subsequent years, under the pretext that it would be replaced by the institution of Lokayukta. The not-so-well-debated Lokayukta Bill has most probably been lost in the corridors of the Assembly sometime in 2003. Now, we have neither the Anti-Corruption Commission nor the Lokayukta!

In 2006, the Supreme Court directed all states to enact a Police Act to promote transparent and fair Police administration in the country. The Apex Court in 2006 also gave a seven-point guideline for the proposed Act. The Goa Police Bill was drafted and introduced in the Assembly, but has been reportedly with the Select Committee for the last four years.

Considering the tiny area and population of the state, Goa could have been an ideal laboratory for trying out innovative experiments to ensure clean, fair and transparent administration for environment-friendly, sustainable and inclusive development. But, we have missed the bus. Will Goans ever be able to put Goa back on track?

(Arvind Bhatikar is a former IAS officer and a former Chairman of the Mormugao Port Trust)